46 pages 1 hour read

The Red Record: Tabulated Statistics and Alleged Causes of Lynching in the United States

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1895

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Preface-Chapter 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Preface Summary

The book opens with a letter written by social activist Frederick Douglass to Ida B. Wells. In the letter, Douglass commends Wells for collecting testimonies about lynching and drawing attention to the violent practice. He admires how Wells uses research and evidence to root out the truth: “You have dealt with the facts with cool, painstaking fidelity, and left those naked and uncontradicted facts to speak for themselves” (15). Douglass claims that any one person with a conscience who reads her work will feel a call to action.

Chapter 1 Summary: “The Case Stated”

Wells opens by explaining that the year in which she writes—1894—represents a period of social awakening as the United States begins to recognize how illegal white violence against Black citizens in the American South has been allowed to expand unrestricted. After Emancipation, white people continued to seek unfettered power over Black people through brutality and violence. The prevalence of lynching and racist targeting caused the larger population to become desensitized to racist violence.

Although enslavers brutalized Black people, white enslavers had a personal stake in keeping Black enslaved laborers alive for work. As such, Wells argues that slavery created a framework that offered some protection to enslaved people. This was lost after Emancipation and never regained through law or social change. Brutality against Black people was limited to ensure that work could continue: “The white man was still restrained from such punishment as tended to injure the slave by abating his physical powers and thereby reducing his financial worth” (17). After slavery was abolished, this interest was lost.

During Reconstruction, white people adhered to the belief that a hold on power justifies any action, and they enacted this power on Black citizens through intimidation, abuse, and murder. Wells specifically points to white men as the perpetrators of this violence, arguing that white testimony reveals that more than 10,000 Black citizens were killed without due process during this period. Despite this staggering number, only three white men were ever convicted of crimes.

Wells outlines three excuses that white men have given for their brutality. The first is that violence was necessary to eliminate race riots. A concern after the Civil War that Black citizens might plan an insurrection led white people to feel justified in the mass murder of Black citizens. Research shows that Black citizens were not enacting race riots, despite the fears of white Southerners. Only Black citizens were killed during this period, while white citizens remained unharmed.

The second excuse was that Black citizens would dominate the Southern electoral system after gaining the right to vote. Wells suggests that white men could not stand the idea of Black people gaining respected rights. Terrorist groups like the Ku Klux Klan and the Regulators killed Black citizens who sought to exercise their voting rights. The government failed to guarantee this right through protection. By stripping Black citizens of their right to vote, white citizens ensured that Black voices were not represented in decision-making platforms.

When white Northerners began to push back against Southern brutality against Black citizens, white Southerners created a new excuse: They perpetuated the idea that Black men were a danger to white women. Wells argues that this false narrative was extremely damaging to Black men, even though enslaved Black men were never perceived as a threat during slavery.

These excuses allowed white violence against Black citizens to run rampant, and Black citizens were brutalized and lynched for a variety of offenses—sometimes for no reason at all. Wells offers her own experience as evidence of this fact. After writing an editorial for the Free Speech, a Memphis newspaper in 1892, she was exiled from her city and told not to return unless she was ready to face death. She shares her editorial, in which she challenges the idea that the eight Black men who were lynched in Arkansas deserved their fate. Wells exposes the irony that white men who justify their violence by suggesting they are protecting the virtue of women direct their violence and anger toward a female journalist.

Chapter 2 Summary: “Lynch-Law Statistics”

In this chapter, Wells records lynching statistics for the year 1893, as published in the Chicago Tribune in 1894. The list includes the type of crime, date, and name of the lynching victim if available. In many instances, the name of the victim is unknown. Several of the crimes are listed as “suspected” or “attempted,” including suspected robbery, alleged barn burning, alleged complicity in murder, and alleged well poisoning. Five victims are listed under committing no offense at all. Other reasons include self-defense, insulting white people, and racial prejudice. The longest entry is for rape.

The record also includes the number of lynchings per state. Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi hold the highest number. Wells then includes details from 1892, during which time 241 individuals were lynched; 160 of these individuals were Black citizens.

Preface-Chapter 2 Analysis

Wells’s work is unique in many ways. It was written by a Black female author when neither women nor Black citizens were well-represented in published literature. The book’s Preface links it to the Black American publishing tradition, which began with autobiographical narratives published by people who escaped slavery. These narratives were often published with prefaces, usually by white abolitionists, that vouched for the story’s veracity and the author’s reliability. In Frederick Douglass’s case, his Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass was introduced by William Lloyd Garrison, one of the most well-respected abolitionist activists and journalists. In turn, Douglass endorses Wells’s journalistic volume, immediately establishing ethos in the text. Having a Black man’s endorsement over a white one signals both a societal shift and a political statement, elevating Douglass and Wells without relying on a white person’s endorsement.

The text explores the crimes of white mobs and reveals the unfettered racism that underscores their actions, and Wells’s coverage places her at risk of retaliation. In his Preface, Douglass calls her “brave,” but the word does little to encompass the risk the author takes by drawing attention to white violence in the American South. Wells’s work as a journalist and activist drew the ire of white mobs who burned her printing press and ran her out of town. She was told that returning would put her life at risk. However, Wells was not defeated, nor did she turn away from her work. In her opening statement, Wells explicitly condemns the status of Reconstruction and the violence enacted against Black people in the United States:

The student of American sociology will find the year 1894 marked by a pronounced awakening of the public conscience to a system of anarchy and outlawry which had grown during a series of ten years to be so common, that scenes of unusual brutality failed to have any visible effect upon the humane sentiments of the people of our land (17).

Wells’s text is also unique as a work of research. The journalist painstakingly pores through newspapers and testimonies before coding them for commonalities. She uses this technique to develop a comprehensive argument for why Lynch Law has been allowed to supersede the Constitution and due process and to highlight its pervasiveness and recklessness. Rather than utilizing the testimonies of Black witnesses and citizens, which she knows will be ignored by white readers, Wells uses the testimonies of white citizens to expose the criminality of lynching. This method creates logos, an argument based on facts that cannot be refuted. Chapter 2 details the crimes that cause white mobs to execute Black citizens, which include a wide variety of assumed and alleged acts, as well as misdemeanors and minor offenses like insulting white people and using self-defense. Wells uses Research and Testimony as Activism, drawing from a wide range of newspapers and public records to develop a more complete picture of how lynching functions in society.

Wells discusses how white mobs use three excuses to justify lynchings. The final excuse—that Black men are a danger to white women—proves highly effective and is utilized to describe a range of actions and non-actions. Modern readers may find it difficult to read the descriptions Wells provides, but this frank recounting of violence is another narrative technique. By refusing to disguise or downplay what lynchings entail, Wells makes the case against them self-evident; this degree of brutality cannot be justice, no matter what someone is accused of. Moreover, Black citizens are murdered without an opportunity to defend themselves and often for no other reason than being in the wrong place at the wrong time. However, white readers during Reconstruction rarely felt compelled to intervene. Wells highlights the desensitization of the American people to racist violence, unveiling how what was normalized during slavery was embedded into American culture during Reconstruction.

Wells links the pervasiveness of lynchings with its association with inoffensive acts to expose Racist Violence as a Mechanism for Power. Desensitization works in favor of white supremacy; the more prevalent violence against Black citizens becomes, the less attention the public affords it. The constant bombardment of stories about Black citizens lynched for crimes creates a frequency illusion, a form of cognitive bias that makes individuals believe something must be true because they see it everywhere. Inundated with stories about Black criminals, white citizens began to believe in the stereotypes perpetuated by white supremacists, including the myth that Black men are dangerous. Along with allowing lynchings and other forms of anti-Black violence to perpetuate, these myths persist to this day.

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