65 pages 2 hours read

Chronicles

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1400

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Themes

Chivalry, Honor, and War

The nobility of Europe in Froissart’s time was still primarily a class of warriors. As such, concepts like honor and chivalry had a great deal of appeal and power. Although Froissart came from the medieval middle class, he was still “an admirer of chivalry and […] the spokesman to an over-exclusive degree of the ruling and knightly class” (18). Throughout the Chronicles, Froissart is concerned with recording the “great and noble deeds” (91) of not just entire armies, but also individual nobles, like James Douglas (337-340) or Robert of Namur (117-118). In this, Froissart is indeed “impartial” (14) in that he tries to praise the valor of both sides in the battles he describes. For example, in a naval battle between the English and Spanish, Froissart writes that “the Spanish […] did their utmost and never flinched” (117). Elsewhere, Froissart approvingly claims that in battle with each other both the Scottish and the English “stand their ground” and act “chivalrously to one another” (345). Chivalry transcends allegiances to one’s nation. This is shown when French knights host a tournament with English knights participating at Calais (380).

Chivalry and concepts of honorable behavior did not just involve courage in battle and merciful treatment toward prisoners, but also actions outside battle that would be difficult for a modern person to comprehend. For example, King Philip VI asked King Edward III to give up his position at Calais, which Philip VI could not reach with an army, and face him in a fair fight, a proposition Edward III refused (103). Likewise, King Charles V of France faces opposition for using guerilla tactics against the English, even though those tactics prove more successful than direct battles with the English army (188-189). Even when his son is exiled, the Duke of Lancaster “is too proud to approach the King, since his son’s honour is involved” (438).

Still, Geoffrey Brereton notes that, despite his positive attitudes toward chivalry, Froissart at least unconsciously depicts the chivalrous knights of his time as fighting “crudely savage small wars and private feuds in emergent nations not far removed from tribalism” (18). Despite the code of chivalry’s emphasis on the protection of the weak, King Edward III contemplated slaughtering the population of the city of Calais or at least killing six burgher prisoners who surrendered to him, but Queen Philippa intervened and kept them all from being killed (108).The Black Prince actually did slaughter the population of Limoges, even women and children (178). Froissart even highly praises Count Gaston Phoebus of Foix (264-265), even though he accidentally murdered his own son in a fit of rage. Chivalry was an ideal that Froissart expresses confidence in, but it is clear from his own accounts that many fell short of fulfilling it. 

Nobility, Burghers, and Peasants

A core part of medieval society were the three classes or “estates”—the nobility, the burghers, and the peasants. Geoffrey Brereton argues that Froissart’s outlook as conveyed in the Chronicles reflects his background as a burgher. “Froissart was a product of the merchant middle class in a region where it was especially powerful and militant” (21). Nonetheless, Brereton also describes Froissart’s political and social attitudes as overwhelmingly pro-noble. Although Froissart writes about the burgher-led rebellion in Flanders with a “fuller understanding and warmth” (22) than what he gives to peasant revolts, Froissart still sees the defeat of the Flemish at the Battle of Roosebeke as a victory for order in Europe:

After that victory, which was greatly to the honour and advantage of all Christendom and of all the gentry and nobility—for if the villeins had achieved their purpose, unexampled ravages and atrocities would have been committed by the commons in rebellion everywhere against the nobly born.” (250)

For Froissart, the leadership of the nobility is essential to prevent anarchy and bloodshed. As Brereton describes Froissart’s politics, “[t]he harshest ruler was preferable to one who could not compel obedience to a law” (21). If the dialogue Froissart attributes to King Richard II’s uncles is any indication of Froissart’s views, even non-noble advisors are suspect. “It always happens that, when a poor man rises in the world and is honoured by his master, he becomes corrupt and ruins the people and the country” (316).

Even worse are revolts by the peasantry. The participants in the Jacquerie are described as “evil men […] plaguing the country” who caused “dreadful calamities” that “filled” people “with horror” (153). Brereton argues that Froissart was more sympathetic toward the peasant revolts in England, attempting to convey the views of the revolt leader John Ball, even though Froissart is clearly opposed, and describing some of the rebels as “perhaps not unreasonable demands” (21). Still, though, Froissart describes one of the revolt leaders, Wat Tyler, as a “wicked and nasty fellow” (213) and describes the peasants in London as “evil men all shouting and yelling outside like devils” (218). The peasants in England may be motivated by defensible reasoning that Froissart quotes specifically: “If we all spring from a single father and mother, Adam and Eve, how can they claim or prove that they are lords more than us, except by making us produce and grow the wealth which they spend?” (212). Still, Froissart suggests they resort to violence even though they enjoy “abundance and prosperity” (211) and is condemnatory toward their tactics.

Religion and the Church

On the topic of the Church, Geoffrey Brereton writes that Froissart’s “attitude towards the Papacy is detached and even mocking” while the Church is described as “a pillar of stability in the same way as the nobility, or else as a source and possessor of wealth in the form of estates and endowments” (22). Certainly, Froissart often expresses religious sentiments like “May God have mercy on His soul” (471). Also, he credits evil deeds to the Devil, writing that “the devil entered the body of Jacques Le Gris” (309-310) when he decided to sexually assault the wife of Jean de Carrouges. On the Earl Marshal stirring up Richard II against the Earl of Derby, Froissart likewise writes, “the devil was no doubt working on his mind” (434). However, Brereton notes that it is “difficult to decide whether [Froissart’s] invocations of God stem from customary piety or express a more personal feeling” (22). That said, Froissart does report a story where a squire and his horse go mad and die after stealing from and injuring a priest as a “true example of God’s anger and vengeance and a warning to all other pillages” (162).

Occasionally in the Chronicles the clergy does good and heroic acts, whether it is the Cardinal of Périgord attempting to broker a peace between the English and the French before the Battle of Poitiers (283-285) or the Bishop of Durham raising a force to defend England from the Scottish (347). Even so, and despite being a priest himself, Froissart is critical of the papacy and the Church. When Froissart writes about an alleged prophet named Jean de la Rochetaillade, he reports that Rochetaillade criticized the Church and the clergy for hoarding luxuries and that some of his prophecies came true (165-166). Further, Froissart decries the harm being done by the Great Schism. “So great calamities occurred round Rome because of the quarrel of the popes, and people who were not to blame for it paid the penalty every day” (209). Whatever Froissart’s true religious sentiments, he does allow criticisms of the papacy and the Church in general appear in his Chronicles unchallenged.

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